“We all bought our homes based on what school our kids were
going to go to…it’s not a complicated concept.” (Baker, 2013), a parent
explains at a hearing in Greenwich concerning the re-balancing of the racial
makeup in school districts. This frustrated parent argues that he chose to live
in a particular neighborhood so that his child would be able to attend a particular
school. The underlying assumption is, in attending this particular school, the
child will be in a safe environment and will receive an exceptional education
which will increase the child's life chances of success. In 2006, the number of
black students enrolled at his child’s school was 4; in the same year, one of
the schools his child may be sent to had 11 blacks enrolled, still the majority
of students enrolled are white (City-data.com, n.d.). The parent further
explains that the top three facts offered to potential homebuyers are the price
of the home, the square footage of the home and the school district (Baker,
2013). Baker (2013), stated “Connecticut is one of a few states that forbid
districts from letting any of their schools deviate too much in racial makeup
from any of their other schools.”
Baker
(2013) also suggests, “Segregation within school districts is not unique to
Greenwich”. His statement makes sense given just this past August, the U.S.
Department of Justice filed a lawsuit against the state of Louisiana over the
implementation of its school voucher program. The question is whether the
school voucher program reverses the effect of desegregation laws which the U.S.
DOJ argues that the program, in fact, does. Louisiana is under strict
desegregation orders following the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Flatlow (2013)
stated, “school districts subject to federal oversight are tasked with
assessing the impact educational changes will have on efforts to desegregate.” This
measure ensures that a racial balance will exist and all children will have
equal opportunity to receive a good education. At the head of the voucher
program, Louisiana Governor, Bobby Jindal argues that the lawsuit intends to
keep children trapped in failing schools (Klein, 2013). Jindal did not consider
the impact the voucher program would have on desegregation. The DOJ argues that
the department simply wants to ensure that Jindal’s program is in compliance
with desegregation orders (Harrington, 2013); with reason one might add. Another
argument is that the democratic, Obama administration wants to have its hands
in state matters anywhere possible. It is worth noting that, according to
Banchero (2012), “Judge Tim Kelley…ruled that the program…illegally diverts tax
money intended for public schools to private and religious schools instead.”
Racial and
ethnic isolation is suggested to have a negative impact on child development. United
States Education Secretary, Anne Duncan (2011) stated, "racial isolation
remains far too common…and it is increasing,” (Jones, 2011). Renee Villamil
said she would like for her child to attend a “white” school if given the
opportunity (personal communication, October 10, 2013). If 91% of the students
taking advantage of the Louisiana Scholarship vouchers are black, the
population should be considered racially isolated. Duncan further stressed the
importance of a racially diverse learning environment in support of globalization
and noted the lack of such an environment would “breed educational inequality”
(Jones, 2011). Jindal believes the students using the vouchers will be provided
a better educational opportunity. This may be the case but they would still
fall short in benefitting from a racially diverse learning environment.
This essay
is looking at the way education reform is an issue concerning racism yet the
issue of racism in the education system is overlooked. One can appreciate how
Kozol (2005) describes of the use of “linguistic sweeteners” and “surrogate
vocabularies” when race is discussed. In each other the articles reviewed in
preparing this essay, identifiers were tossed around so much that understanding
who would benefit most from education reform was not as clear at first. The
populations mentioned were poor kids, African Americans, blacks, Latinos, low
class, middle class, disadvantaged. The issues with self-identification is for
another essay yet affects the very way in which this essay may be interpreted.
Many desegregation orders were
removed because states believed that there no longer was a need for them. Formal
equality masks the true inequalities in many areas with education being one. Kozol
(2005) points to a decrease in the gap in educational achievement after the
Brown v. Ed. decision followed by an increase in the gap in education
achievement four decades later. He further explains the occurrence being, “in
the early 1990s when the federal courts began the process of resegregation by
dismantling the mandates of the Brown decision” (Kozol, 2005). The moment
desegregation orders were lifted, schools began segregating. Busing, which was
a big part in desegregation, was no longer required and children were being
sent to schools in their own neighborhoods. The fact is that it is highly
likely for African American children to reside in the same part of town based
on socioeconomic status and attend the same school, giving the school the
identity of being an African American school.
Believing that America no longer
sees color and all are equal was a mistake on the judicial system’s part. Erwin
Chemerinsky, similar to Kozol, places accountability on the judicial system for
the backward trend in desegregation. He claimed that the courts ended court
ordered desegregation laws and failed to identify inequalities that existed (Chemerinsky,
2003). In a sense, minorities were left to fend for themselves. Due to economic
advantage, whites were able to move to the suburbs and were also able to invest
into their children’s education systems.
Greenwich Public School Superintendent,
William McKersie (2013) wrote, in an update proposal for action of facility
utilization and racial balance, “unrestricted school choice plans often left
minority schools totally segregated”. The document outlines why achievement
gaps exist and offers remedies in each area. Focus on the importance of closing
the achievement gap, integration, and equally distributing resources and
support is highlighted in Mckersie’s document. Interestingly, the document also
weighs the impact of implementing magnet schools. Superintendent McKersie
(2013) explains how controlled choice programs do better but Supreme Court
rulings blocking or ending desegregation plans and controls have been a hindrance
to progression (p. 4). Parents can be given choice while maintaining the racial
balance to ensure equal education opportunity. The document submitted by
superintendent Kersie (2013) also states, “educational disparities…are highly
correlated with skin color, ethnicity, linguistic, and social class status.”
Racism could not be more clearly defined by this correlation.
This is America, right? America is
about freedom of choice. All parents want their children to have the best
education possible yet are often not able to choose what school they want their
children to attend. Any parent would appreciate being able to choose whichever
school to send their child. The fact is most schools have zoning rules which
require that students reside in a particular zip code in order to attend a certain
school. This does not need to mean that a child is put at a disadvantage or not
afford the same opportunities as other children based on z zip code. Choice, in
this matter, is defined differently across the board. For minorities, school
choice means being able to put their children into high achieving schools;
schools that will have better resources and a more rigorous curriculum. This
choice can determine the child’s chance at being successful. For others, school
choice means that their children will be able to attend the school down the
block, close to the home they chose to live in.
Friedman (2004) points to “racism
and lingering effects of past racism” as well as housing patterns to explain
modern segregation of schools. It is not uncommon for ethnic groups to move into
communities where they feel most at home, creating an ethnic or racial identity
for the neighborhood. Here is where opposition can arise. When a parent is
being told that their child will need to attend a school in a neighborhood racial
identified as Black, Latino or other. It is the stereotypes that they are
concerned with along with the fear of sending their child to a low performing
school. Low performing schools are identified by the neighborhood it is located
in and white flight patterns are still common. When Whites see that a
neighborhood is changing racially or ethnically, they move. Lockette (2010), proposed
rethinking the meaning of school choice. Going with McKersie’s ideas, choice
can still be given to parents but with guidelines. The DOJ also offers
guidelines in maintaining racial balance in schools. McKersie (2013) notes how
housing segregation creates inequalities in education (p.4). His solution
includes controlled choice programs where parents still have a choice in what
school their child will attend while schools can maintain racial balance.
Looking back at Jindal’s claim that
the DOJ wants to keep kids in failing schools, racial isolation should be
considered. McKersie stated, “poorly performing schools cannot be turned around
unless their isolation is addressed.” Jindal claims the achievement gap can be
closed by sending the children to a new school yet McKersie on the other hand
shows how the achievement gap cannot be addressed without addressing racial
isolation. Reports suggested that charter school students do not perform better
than public school students on the standardized tests. .Even if you take the
student out of the poorly performing school, the student is still not being
exposed to diversity, putting the student at a disadvantage.
High performing schools have great
enrichment programs such as music and art. Renee recalls how her art class in
middle school encouraged her creativity giving her an open mind to modern
expressions of art (personal communication, October 10, 2013). She feels that
her child is losing out because for her son to have art class he would need to
attend a specialized school. A teacher describes, “We lost our
technology room, our music room, our art room” (Gonzalez, 2013). Perhaps this
is why the Greenwich parent was so frustrated with the idea of re-zoning. Maybe
his concern is that his child will attend one of the schools without all the
great programs. Whites make up 85% of the Greenwich population; it is unlikely
that his child will suffer since Greenwich is a well to do suburb.
It is
interesting how headlines change or differ over an issue covered by the media.
Headlines read “Louisiana’s voucher system increases school segregation” and “Louisiana’s
Voucher Program Is Making Segregation Worse” when the U.S. Department of
Justice initially filed suit against the state. Over just two months, the
language began to change. The program was being referred to as the Scholarship
program and the focus was less of the idea of the schools being segregated and
more on Jindal versus the United States government. People probably did not
want to hear about race, racism and segregation. That would be too hard, too
taboo and might even change things.
The
concerns in Connecticut over the racial diversity law, proved to be interesting
as well. Headlines in the North versus South differ notably. The headlines in
Connecticut point to race without stutter yet the conversation still appears to
hide ideas that racism is modern. Unlike the southern state of Louisiana which
preferred to focus on the politics over education flaws and remedies.
My analysis
is that racism is normal. It happens every day and people do not necessarily
want to see change. Minorities do not necessarily want to integrate yet want
equality. Whites are not concerned over whether or not minorities have equality
as long as they are on the other side of the street. It is sad and
disappointing to read about the Greenwich parents grumble about the racial
balance laws in their state. It is even more disappointing to watch the state
and federal governments bicker over whether one or the other is playing the
race card while children sit in limbo waiting for the adults to make their life
decisions.